Friday, July 31, 2015

Here Are the Remaining Hurdles to Obama’s Massive Asia Trade Deal


Here Are the Remaining Hurdles to Obama’s Massive Asia Trade Deal

Here Are the Remaining Hurdles to Obama’s Massive Asia Trade Deal President Barack Obama has the authority to fast-track the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Whether he’ll actually be able to use this power could be determined this week in Hawaii.
There, trade representatives and chief negotiators from the 12 countries involved in the deal, meant to create a trade bloc covering 40 percent of the global economy, are trying to hammer out final details on the agreement that has been negotiated in secret for more than five years. The stakes are high — the Obama administration wants the deal as part of its economic legacy. White House officials argue that the pact, which would be one of the largest in U.S. history, is needed for the United States to compete in the 21st-century global economy. The Treasury Department says the deal would increase American exports to Asia by $123.5 billion.
Officials say they want the talks wrapped up by July 31, but negotiations would continue if they fail to come to an agreement. The White House wants a final trade agreement as soon as possible in the hopes it could be in place by the time Obama leaves office, in 2017.
Whether that can be done remains to be seen. There are a number of sticking points, both on the U.S. side and among the other negotiating partners — Australia, Canada, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, Peru, Vietnam, Brunei, Chile, Singapore, and New Zealand — that have yet to be resolved.
“This meeting will be extremely important to decide the fate of the TPP negotiations,” Japanese Economy Minister Akira Amari said as talks got underway. “I believe all the nations will come to the meeting with their strong determination that it has to be the last one.”
Now, the talks are mired in the minute, but important, details of international trade. Canada, for instance, is refusing to accept more dairy imports, something angering the United States and New Zealand, a country that has promised not to enter the agreement without having access to new dairy markets. Mexico is also resisting opening its economy to Asian exports.
The timing of Canadian elections, slated for Oct. 19, 2015, are also complicating Canada’s position. Its prime minister, Stephen Harper, is trying to avoid what his people could perceive as a bad deal, or a deal Canada can’t accept, prior to the vote, to shield himself from charges of poor financial management.
Japan and the United States also need to get their potential trading partners to buy into a bilateral pact between Washington and Tokyo. This deal would allow more American cars, auto parts, and agricultural products to enter the Japanese market. In exchange, the United States would gradually get rid of high import tariffs on Japanese sport utility vehicles and trucks. U.S. textile manufacturers also want strict rules to prevent Vietnam from flooding the American market with cheap apparel made from Chinese fabric.
Other issues include Australian sugar; Australian officials want this export to have more access to the American market. There are also concerns about intellectual property provisions that protect data on next-generation biologic drugs for 12 years, a boost to drug manufacturers that could increase the cost of state-subsidized medical programs in Australia and New Zealand. On Tuesday, New Zealand Prime Minister John Key admitted the cost of drugs would increase if the TPP is signed.
One issue already drawing criticism is Malaysia’s human rights record. On Monday, the State Department took that country off its blacklist of countries with the worst human trafficking records.
“How can the State Department call this progress?” Phil Robertson, Human Rights Watch’s deputy director for Asia, told Foreign Policy on Monday. “Migrants are being trafficked and abused with impunity … and convictions are down year on year.”
Photo Credit: Saul Loeb/Getty Images

Martin O'Malley says Congress won't see Pacific trade deal before they vote on it




Martin O'Malley says Congress won't see Pacific trade deal before they vote on it

Former Maryland Gov. Martin O'Malley, a possible contender for the Democratic presidential nomination, speaks during a visit to Indianola, Iowa. Iowa has the nation's first presidential caucuses in 2016.
Secretary of State John Kerry and U.S. Trade Representative Michael Froman, right, settle in before a meeting about the Trans-Pacific Partnership in Bali, Indonesia, on Oct. 8, 2013. (State Department photo)
President Barack Obama’s efforts to pursue a landmark trade agreement with countries on the Pacific Rim has split his own party.
Obama is seeking to finalize an agreement known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership. The deal has been in negotiation since 2009 between the United States, Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore and Vietnam. Combined, these countries account for roughly 40 percent of the world’s economy.
Trade deals often draw opposition from the left, due in part to concerns from labor unions -- a key Democratic-leaning constituency. For this reason, Obama’s push for the deal has forced Democratic officeholders and candidates to decide whether or not they will back the president’s agenda.
Martin O’Malley, the former Maryland governor who is a potential presidential candidate, took a strong stand against pursuing such a deal during an interview with NPR on April 20, 2015, saying the public wouldn’t get to read the agreement before it was approved.
Here’s the excerpt that aired; a longer version with more back-and-forth is available as a transcript on the NPR website.
Inskeep: "Let me ask about another issue on which Democrats seem to be divided. You have said in recent days that you oppose the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership, a trade deal that would tie a dozen nations, including the United States, into free trade. What's wrong with that?"
O’Malley: "Yeah, I do oppose it. What's wrong with it is first and foremost that we're not allowed to read it before representatives vote on it. What's wrong with it is that right now what we should be doing are things that make our economy stronger here at home. And that's my concern, that the Trans-Pacific Partnership, this deal, is a race to the bottom, a chasing of lower wages abroad. And I believe that that does nothing to help us build a stronger economy here at home."
A reader asked us to take a closer look at whether Americans won’t get to read the deal before Congress casts a vote on it. So we did.
As we discussed this question with trade experts, we concluded that O’Malley’s problem was conflating two pieces of legislation -- Trade Promotion Authority and the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Despite their similar acronyms (TPA and TPP), they are different, with different degrees of transparency.
Trade Promotion Authority, sometimes informally known as "fast-track," is a method for putting trade agreements before Congress. If Congress passes Trade Promotion Authority legislation, it’s granting the president broad leeway to negotiate a trade agreement.
Once the executive branch finalizes a deal with its foreign counterparts, Congress will have a separate up-or-down vote to ratify the agreement, in the process, changing U.S. law to fit the agreement’s provisions. This second bill must be considered under streamlined procedural rules and voted on without any amendments from lawmakers.
The bill introduced in Congress on April 16, 2015, was for Trade Promotion Authority, giving Obama the right to strike a deal and laying out the process for voting on the agreement once the administration finalizes it. Since the Trans-Pacific Partnership is the only significant trade deal that’s likely to be sent to Congress anytime soon, these two bills are intertwined. But their distinctions are important -- including the degree of transparency before each vote, which is the part that O’Malley was referencing.
At the time Congress votes on whether to grant Trade Promotion Authority to Obama, the details of the Trans-Pacific Partnership won’t be known yet. But if Trade Promotion Authority is passed, and if the Obama administration succeeds in striking a deal, then the provisions of the deal will emerge before lawmakers cast the second vote.
So in a strict sense, what O’Malley said is wrong. When lawmakers vote on the actual Trans-Pacific Partnership -- the second vote -- they will indeed have the full details of what the deal entails. The confusion enters because when Congress casts the first vote -- the one currently on Congress’ agenda, to empower Obama to strike the deal -- they won’t yet know the details of the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
That’s the way the process was designed to work. Congress votes first to authorize the negotiations, and then votes a second time  -- weeks, months or even years later -- on whether to approve the agreement produced by the negotiations it authorized.
"There is congressional input into the negotiations as they proceed, but the negotiations take place behind closed doors and are not made open to the public or all members of Congress," said Robert M. Stern, an emeritus professor of economics and public policy at the University of Michigan. "There may be a democratic deficit, but if the details of the negotiations were publicly available, there would likely be endless discussion and debates about various parts of the negotiations."
That sticks in the craw of critics, including O’Malley. Doing it this way puts lawmakers in an uncomfortable position -- they are being asked to approve a process that will produce a bill they won’t have the ability to amend when it comes up for a vote later.
O’Malley "believes that Congress and the American people should be able to read the agreement before Congress votes on giving away their authority -- our authority -- to change it," his staff said in a statement to PolitiFact. "The deal will not be made public until after fast track is approved -- and then at that point, there can be no changes. That leaves the general public in the dark."
O’Malley does have a point that transparency has been lacking so far.
Negotiations on the Trans-Pacific Partnership have been under way for years, even before passage of Trade Promotion Authority, but they’ve been conducted with extreme secrecy. In fact, much of what the public knows about them so far comes from draft documents obtained and publicized by Wikileaks.
And under the Trade Promotion Authority bill now being considered in Congress, "detailed and timely information" will be shared with lawmakers and staff with "proper security clearances as appropriate." Even before passage of Trade Promotion Authority, the Obama administration said, lawmakers and staff with security clearances have access to negotiating texts and summaries and has held hundreds of briefings.
Some House Democrats say that isn’t enough enough openness. Rep. Rosa DeLauro, D-Conn., told The Hill that the administration is being "needlessly secretive. … Even now, when they are finally beginning to share details of the proposed deal with members of Congress, they are denying us the ability to consult with our staff or discuss details of the agreement with experts."
Our ruling
O’Malley said that "we're not allowed to read it (the Trans-Pacific Partnership) before representatives vote on it."
Strictly speaking, he’s wrong -- Congress, and the American public, will be fully informed of what’s in the Trans-Pacific Partnership before lawmakers vote to make the agreement part of United States law.
But he has a point that lawmakers won’t know what’s in the Trans-Pacific Partnership before they cast a separate, precursor vote -- the vote to authorize Obama to negotiate the Trans-Pacific Partnership on a fast-track basis in the first place.
In a meandering radio conversation, O’Malley made a reasonable point that transparency about the deal has been lacking, but in doing so, he conflated two separate congressional votes. On balance, we rate his claim Mostly False.
UPDATE, Apr. 25, 2015: This version adds additional information from the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative regarding the transparency policies afforded members of Congress prior to the passage of Trade Promotion Authority.

Australian MPs allowed to see top-secret trade deal text but can't reveal contents for four years

Australian MPs allowed to see top-secret trade deal text but can't reveal contents for four years

Exclusive: Politicians told they could view the current Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiating text if they signed a four-year confidentiality provision
Demonstrators protest against the legislation to give US President Barack Obama fast-track authority to advance trade deals, including the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), during a protest march on Capitol Hill in Washington on 21 May.
Demonstrators protest against the legislation to give US President Barack Obama fast-track authority to advance the Trans-Pacific Partnership during a protest march in Washington on 21 May. Photograph: Saul Loeb/AFP/Getty Images
Australian politicians have been told they can view the current confidential negotiating text for the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement, but only if they agree not to divulge anything they see for four years, despite expectations the deal could be finalised within months.
As 10 years of highly secret negotiations over the 12-nation trade and investment pact draw to a close and the US Congress debates whether to grant president Barack Obama fast-track authority, MPs and senators were briefed on the deal Monday night by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade assistant secretary Elizabeth Ward and other officials.
The MPs were told that, despite the negotiations being “in the final stages” and “at the end game”, key provisions had not been agreed – including intellectual property clauses of deep concern to the Australian government and controversial legal avenues for corporations to take action against governments – so-called investor state dispute settlements (ISDS). They were also told the ISDS process itself was still being negotiated, including provisions on transparency.
They were told they could view the current TPP negotiating text on Tuesday “subject to certain confidentiality requirements” and were shown a document they would be required to sign before any viewing.
The document listed requirements which it said were “consistent with the undertaking by Australia and other negotiating partners to treat negotiating texts and other documents exchanged in the course of negotiations as confidential government information in order to facilitate candid and productive negotiations”.
The requirements listed were as follows:
“I will not divulge any of the text or information obtained in the briefing to any party, I will not copy, transcribe or remove the negotiating text” and “I further acknowledge that the negotiating text is confidential and sensitive; disclosure of the negotiating text may affect adversely TPP negotiations and Australia’s relations with other TPP partners.”
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It concluded: “I therefore agree that these confidentiality requirements shall apply for four years after entry into force of the TPP, or if no agreement enters into force, for four years after the last round of negotiations.”
Among those attending the briefing were Coalition backbenchers Bruce Scott and George Christensen, Labor backbenchers Stephen Jones, Andrew Giles, Melissa Parke and Terri Butler and independent senator Nick Xenophon.
The four-year confidentiality provision mirrors the secrecy provisions printed on the investment chapter of the TPP, which was published by Wikileaks in March.
That document said it could be declassified “four years from entry into force of the TPP agreement or, if no agreement enters into force, four years from the close of the negotiations” and said it “must be protected from unauthorized disclosure ... and must be stored in a locked or secured building, room, or container”.
When Christensen queried the four-year timeframe at the meeting he was told it was needed because the final version of the document might be different from the current version, and that it was similar to the undertakings required of members of the US Congress who wanted to view the text.
Among the most controversial provisions of the TPP is the proposed investor state dispute settlement mechanism, which could allow multinational corporations to challenge Australian government policies in international arbitration tribunals, for example plain-packaging laws or environmental or health regulations.
The former Labor government put a footnote into the TPP investment text saying Australia did not agree to ISDS provisions. The current government has – according to the leaked Wikileaks version – added that it is prepared to agree to ISDS if “certain conditions” are met.
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Australia wants exemptions from intellectual property provisions for “any measures comprising or related to the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme, Medicare Benefits Scheme, the Therapeutic Goods Administration and the Office of the Gene Technology Regulator”. The government is particularly concerned to make sure the agreement does not require Australia to extend the period that drugs remain on patent, because of the huge potential impact on the cost of Australia’s pharmaceutical benefits scheme.
Parke said she still had “extremely grave concerns about the ISDS provisions. I note that the briefing confirmed that the Philip Morris scenario could still happen under this agreement”.
The tobacco giant is using ISDS provisions in Australia’s free-trade agreement with Hong Kong to challenge plain-packaging laws that have been upheld by Australia’s high court.
Xenophon said he was also concerned about ISDS, saying “40 years ago Gough Whitlam abolished appeals to the [British] privy council in what was a watershed moment for Australian sovereignty. We now seem to be going back to the colonial era where court cases, not just appeals, will be determined overseas”.
Butler said she also “remained concerned about the ISDS provisions ... I will need a lot more information to be satisfied this is in the national interest, compared with the status quo, which is the bilateral trade agreements we already have with most of these countries”.
After the Wikileaks revelations, the trade minister, Andrew Robb, insisted “the government will not support outcomes that would increase the prices of medicines for Australians or adversely affect our health system more generally; end of story ... Nor would we accept outcomes that undermine our ability to regulate or legislate in the public interest in areas such as health”.
In recent interviews and opinion pieces, Robb has said the deal could provide huge benefits for Australian exporters – including agricultural exports – and says ISDS provisions have been included in many bilateral agreements Australia has already signed. The only time they have been used against Australia is the ongoing case being brought by Philip Morris but Australian companies have successfully used the clauses against companies in India.
He says the government has conducted more than 1000 consultations with different groups about the TPP talks.
“It’s not secretive but of course the whole text is not available because nothing’s agreed until everything’s agreed, so to be putting out bits and pieces over five years, which may or may not end up in the final document, all that’s going to do is be a source of material for those anti-trade groups to worry people and misrepresent, he told the ABC.
The TPP is being negotiated with the US, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore and Vietnam.
The cabinet will decide whether Australia signs any final agreement, and then text will be tabled in parliament and be considered by the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties before implementing legislation is considered by the House of Representatives and the Senate.

Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – What is it?

Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP)    – What is it?

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is currently under negotiation and establishes a free trade area including Australia, the United States of America, Brunei Darussalam, Chile, New Zealand, Singapore, Canada, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, Peru and Vietnam.
This is a trade deal which could risk environmental laws, increase the cost of medicines (of particular significance in Vietnam) and enable corporations to sue governments in some circumstances. The secretive nature of these negotiations is extremely concerning; especially when so much is at stake.
WikiLeaks released the draft text of a chapter of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement on 2011. The full agreement covers a number of areas, but the chapter published by WikiLeaks focuses on intellectual property rights, an area of law which has effects in areas as diverse as pharmaceuticals and civil liberties. The TPP also presents a threat to Australia’s Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS) with America’s pharmaceutical industry association flagging modifying programs for subsidising medicines as one of its key objectives.
Knowledge Ecology International provides good background to the negotiations and the MSF letter to affected countries – Don’t trade away health –  can be seen here. To read the analyses and updates that have been published in HAIAP Newsletters click here.
July 10 2015
Friday, July 10, 2015
by  Common Dreams
Latest TPP Draft Benefits Big Pharma By Slashing Access to Generics
http://tinyurl.com/pcvdy87 
With another round of Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations slated for the end of this month, the administration of President Barack Obama is aiming to force developing nations to adopt Big Pharma-friendly policies that are so bad for public health Obama himself has opposed them in the United States.
Citing leaked drafts of the agreement, as well as officials “familiar with the latest May 11 version,” Bloomberg journalist Peter Gosselin reported Friday that the deal is likely to include provisions that are almost certain to hike medicine costs while slashing access to generic drugs around the world: “At stake: hundreds of billions of dollars or more in extra costs that consumers may have to pay if the proposals make it harder for cheaper generics to win approval.”
In the negotiations, Obama is pursuing corporate-friendly policies he has rejected at home.
For example, “U.S. negotiators want to win makers of advanced drugs 12 years of exclusivity for data that might otherwise help competitors produce similar, cheaper versions,” wrote Gosselin. However, the Obama administration has sought, within the United States, to reduce that period to seven years.
But it doesn’t stop there. “Negotiators are also seeking language to make it easier for the big drugmakers to win ‘secondary’ patents to strengthen their control over products,” Gosselin continued. But domestically, the administration “has proposed changing U.S. law to make it harder to get such add-ons,” Gosselin explained. Obama is poised to not only foist these policies on other countries, but to trap the U.S. in them as well.
What’s more, said Gosselin, the United States “has negotiators pressing the region’s developing countries to sign onto a schedule for adopting the stronger rules, reversing previous exemptions to allow them easier access to cheap medicines.”
Obama is reportedly meeting opposition from countries involved in the negotiations. Meanwhile, global civil society and social movement groups have staged their strong opposition to the deal with protests, open letters, and organizing. However, resistance would likely be even greater if the contents of the talks were shared with the global public.  Read more here
June 16, 2015:  Community opposition defeats TPP Fast Track Bill in US Congress
http://aftinet.org.au/cms/node/973
Media Release June 13, 2015
“Despite procedural manoeuvres, the Trans-Pacific Partnership Fast Track Bill was defeated in the US House of Representatives overnight. This was a victory for the US community campaign against the secrecy of the TPP process and provisions of the TPP which threaten jobs, medicine prices, food safety and Internet freedom and would expose health and environmental protections to challenges from foreign investors, and lack meaningful and enforceable labour rights and environmental protections,”  said Dr Patricia Ranald, Coordinator of the Australian Fair Trade and Investment Network (AFTINET).
YOU CAN’T READ THE TPP AND YOU CAN’T FIND OUT WHO IN CONGRESS HAS – Jon Schwarz
https://firstlook.org/theintercept/2015/06/13/cant-read-tpp-cant-find-congress/
“You probably know by now that no normal Americans are allowed to see the text of the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement. It’s classified. Even members of Congress can only read it by going to secure reading rooms in the basement of the Capitol.  So I’d say it’s almost certain that most of the 219 representatives and 62 senators who’ve voted to “fast track” the TPP have never even looked at it.”
Big pharma is the real winner in TPP plan
Deborah Gleeson
June 11 The Drum ABC
http://www.abc.net.au/news/2015-06-11/gleeson-big-pharma-is-the-real-winner-in-tpp-plan/6538860
June 10, WikiLeaks released a close-to-final draft of the Trans-Pacific Partnership’s (TPP) annex on pharmaceuticals and medical devices.
The supposed aim of this part of the TPP is to achieve “transparency” and “procedural fairness” in programs that subsidise these products, such as Australia’s Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme. But like the TPP negotiations themselves, it is anything but transparent. And it’s certainly not fair.
It’s been more than three-and-a-half years since the public last saw a draft of the annex. But while the revised draft is certainly better than the first, it still has major problems. The annex is now closely modelled on the provisions in the Australia-US Free Trade Agreement. In theory, it should result in few if any changes to our PBS. But small changes that have been made to the legal wording may end up having big effects on the way the rules are implemented.  And there is a consultation mechanism that could be used to apply ongoing pressure to countries to make changes to their health programs in the interests of the US-based pharmaceutical and medical device industries.
Even more worrying, pharmaceutical companies will be able to sue governments directly over their pharmaceutical policies in international tribunals using the investor-state dispute settlement mechanism (ISDS) – and the terms of the annex may bolster their claims. This is the same type of legal avenue that tobacco giant Philip Morris is using to sue Australia over our plain packaging laws, and US pharmaceutical company Eli Lilly is using to sue Canada over its decisions on medicine patents.
The annex appears to be mainly intended to target New Zealand’s Pharmaceutical Management Agency (PHARMAC). Some of its provisions – such as adhering to specified timeframes for assessing applications and disclosing rules used to assess them – will impose substantive new obligations on PHARMAC that could reduce its effectiveness by limiting its flexibility and autonomy, and allowing the industry to frustrate its decision making.
These threats to New Zealand’s drug program are particularly worrying given that PHARMAC is highly effective in containing costs while ensuring affordable access to medicines. This makes it a model pharmaceutical coverage program suitable for adoption by developing countries.
The Healthcare Transparency Annex is clearly intended to cater to the interests of the pharmaceutical and medical device industries. The annex serves no public interest purpose and provides a negative precedent for future regional trade agreements. It could also constrain the options of developing countries in introducing pharmaceutical coverage programs in future. The negotiating countries should not agree to its inclusion in the TPP.
Deborah Gleeson’s full commentary on the leaked TPP annex is published on the WikiLeaks site.  Dr Deborah Gleeson is a lecturer in the School of Public Health and Human Biosciences at La Trobe University.
June 10, 2015
TPP Transparency Chapter
Annex On Transparency And Procedural Fairness For Pharmaceutical Products And Medical Devices
https://wikileaks.org/tpp/healthcare/press.html
Wednesday 10 June 2015, WikiLeaks published the Healthcare Annex to the secret draft “Transparency” Chapter of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP), along with each country’s negotiating position. The Healthcare Annex seeks to regulate state schemes for medicines and medical devices. It forces healthcare authorities to give big pharmaceutical companies more information about national decisions on public access to medicine, and grants corporations greater powers to challenge decisions they perceive as harmful to their interests.
The draft is restricted from release for four years after the passage of the TPP into law.
The Obama administration was trying to gain “Fast-Track” approval for all three from the US House of Representatives  on June 11, having already obtained such approval from the Senate.
Julian Assange, WikiLeaks publisher, said:
It is a mistake to think of the TPP as a single treaty. In reality there are three conjoined mega-agreements, the TiSA, the TPP and the TTIP, all of which strategically assemble into a grand unified treaty, partitioning the world into the west versus the rest. This “Great Treaty” is descibed by the Pentagon as the economic core to the US military’s “Asia Pivot”. The architects are aiming no lower than the arc of history. The Great Treaty is taking shape in complete secrecy, because along with its undebated geostrategic ambitions it locks into place an aggressive new form of transnational corporatism for which there is little public support.
Read the TPP Transparency for Healthcare Annex here
Read the Analysis by Dr Deborah Gleeson (Australia) on TPP Transparency for Healthcare Annex here
Read the Analysis by Professor Jane Kelsey (New Zealand) on TPP Transparency for Healthcare Annexhere
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trans-Pacific_Partnership
The June 2015 article in the New England Journal of Medicine – below-  summarized concerns about TPP´s impact on healthcare in developed and less developed countries: an increased price of medical drugs due to patent extensions, it claims, could threaten millions of lives, extending “data exclusivity” provisions would “prevent drug regulatory agencies like the Food and Drug Administration from registering a generic version of a drug for a certain number of years”, the international tribunals that can require corporations be paid compensation for any lost profits found to result from a nation’s regulations could interfere with domestic health policy.
June 2015: In the New England Journal of Medicines it is asked:
The Transpacific Partnership: is it bad for your health?
The New England Journal of Medicines June 10, 2015
Amy Kapczynski, J.D.
DOI: 10.1056/NEJMp1506158
International trade deals once focused primarily on tariffs. As a result, they had little direct effect on health, and health experts could reasonably leave their details to trade professionals. Not so today.
The full health implications of the TPP are hard to judge, not only because its provisions are complex but also because the draft text is a closely held secret. Even members of the U.S. Congress can see it only if they agree not to talk publicly about it and if they leave their pens and phones (and, until recently, their expert staffers) at the door. But several key chapters have recently been leaked and reveal that the TPP could have a substantial impact on health.
Groups including Médecins sans Frontières and Oxfam warn, for example, that the agreement could threaten the lives of millions of people in developing countries. The TPP could impose obligations on developing countries that go far beyond any existing trade agreement. Indeed, some proposals in the leaked IP chapter seem directly targeted against innovative measures that developing countries have used to maximize the use of low-cost generic medicines. Read the complete article here
April 2015: Trade deal negotiations rumoured to be almost complete
The next meeting is scheduled for late May, 2015 and as always we are told that the negotiations are almost complete.  However, we are aware that there are still many issues that have not been resolved.  In the last months Dr Debra Gleeson and colleagues have published a number of articles that provide insight into what is going on behind those closed doors.
‘The Industry framed the TPPA as contributing to the public good. The TPPA
was portrayed as redressing inequitable pharmaceutical policies, which limit
peoples access to new medicines. Further, the TPPA was constructed as the
route to economic growth for the USA and ultimately for all TPPA countries,
through increased intellectual property protection for the pharmaceutical
industry. This framing obscured tensions between Industry interests and public
health goals. The Industry remained silent on the issue of affordability, a key
dimension of equitable pharmaceutical access. The use of rhetoric, such as
win-win outcomes(for TPPA countries and the Industry), hid the vested
economic interests of the Industry in the TPPA. Understanding the Industrys
framing of issues can assist public health advocates in challenging prevailing
discourses and exposing vested interests.’
Read the whole Public Health Analysis of pharmaceutical industry statements about the TPPA here
Vietnam: In Assessing the impact of alternative patent systems on the cost of health care: the TPPA and HIV treatment in Vietnam, presented by Moir, Tenni, Gleeson and Lopert in November 2014, the authors summarise
In the Trans Pacific partnership Agreement (TPPA) negotiations, the United States has proposed expanded patent protections that will likely impact the affordability of medicines in TPPA partners. This includes antiretroviral (ARV) medicines used in the treatment of HIV/AIDS. Vietnam has the lowest GDP per capita (US$1,911 in 2013) of the 12 countries participating in the TPPA negotiations. Official estimates suggest that in 2014 Vietnam had around 256,000 people living with HIV.1 By the end of 2013 antiretroviral (ARV) therapy was provided to 82,687 people – 68% of those meeting the clinical criteria for such medicines. 2  Read more here
The health impact on Australia assessment can be found here and ‘What doctors should know about the TPPA’ from these authors can be found here.
Trade deal health concerns
Nicole MacKee
https://www.mja.com.au/insight/2015/4/trade-deal-health-concerns
Monday, 9 February, 2015
The call comes as an online MJA editorial highlights the potential health ramifications of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA), which takes in 12 Pacific rim countries, including Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the US, and is expected to be signed this year. (1)
Editorial coauthor Professor Sharon Friel, professor of health equity at the Australian National University, told MJA InSight now was the time to add “a strong public health voice” into the negotiations because it would be too late once Australia was locked into an agreement.
Professor Friel said the lack of transparency meant it was difficult to know precisely how the TPPA would affect the nation’s health goals, but leaked information and the content of other trade agreements indicated several ways in which health policy could be undermined.
The editorial authors warned that intellectual property rules proposed in the TPPA would enable pharmaceutical companies to extend patents and prolong monopolies, which could result in cost blowouts in the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS). They also raised concerns about the potential inclusion of investor–state dispute settlement mechanisms, which could see companies sue or threaten to sue governments over public health policies that could impact their ability to market their products in Australia.
A similar mechanism has been used by Philip Morris Asia to sue the Australian Government over plain tobacco packaging. (2)
Professor Friel said such a mechanism could also contribute to “regulatory chill”, where governments resisted implementing public health strategies that could result in legal action.
Adjunct Professor Michael Moore, CEO of the Public Health Association of Australia (PHAA) and vice president and president elect of the World Federation of Public Health Associations, said while his organisation had had many productive meetings with past and present federal governments about the potential public health consequences of the TPPA, the inability to view agreement drafts was frustrating.
“The reason it sticks in my craw, is that we know major industry, such as pharmaceutical companies, are on the negotiating team for the US. So certain industry players not only get to see what is in the agreement, but get to play with the drafts. In these agreements there are issues of principle, but the devil is going to be in the detail.”
Professor Moore said the PHAA had warned state and federal governments that public health initiatives could be stymied by provisions in the agreement. For example, Thailand’s proposal to put pregnancy warning labels on alcohol had been challenged by several World Trade Organization members, including Australia. (3)
He said the matter would be raised at this week’s World Congress of Public Health in India, which was expected to sign off on a call to action in line with its 2012 pledge to “advocate for fair trade in all commodities that affect human health”. (4)
A spokeswoman for the federal Department of Health said Australia would not accept an outcome on the TPPA that would adversely affect the PBS or Australia’s health system more generally.
“The Australian Government will not sign up to any international agreement that restricts Australia’s capacity to govern in its own interest”, she said.
The parties had agreed to keep documents related to the negotiations, including text, confidential, as was normal practice in trade negotiations, the spokeswoman said, adding that she could not speculate on the accuracy or otherwise of leaked documents.
She said the Department of Health worked closely with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade on domestic health policy issues related to trade negotiations. The Minister for Trade and Investment, Andrew Robb, leads Australia’s participation in international free trade agreement negotiations.
Late last week, Mr Robb announced that he believed agreement on the TPPA was weeks away. (5)
1. MJA 2015; Online 9 February
2. Attorney-General’s Department: Tobacco plain packaging — investor–state arbitration
3. Drug Alcohol Rev 2013; 32:5-10
4. WFPHA: Declarations
5. ABC Rural: 5 February 2015
Don’t Trade Away Our Health: Trans-Pacific Partnership and International Drug Price Fixing
Joseph E. Stiglitz, Nobel Economics Laureate – The New York Times
Published on 2 February 2015 at https://www.transcend.org/tms/?p=53353
30 Jan 2015 – A secretive group met behind closed doors in New York this week. What they decided may lead to higher drug prices for you and hundreds of millions around the world.
Representatives from the United States and 11 other Pacific Rim countries convened to decide the future of their trade relations in the so-called Trans-Pacific Partnership (T.P.P.). Powerful companies appear to have been given influence over the proceedings, even as full access is withheld from many government officials from the partnership countries.
Among the topics negotiators have considered are some of the most contentious T.P.P. provisions — those relating to intellectual property rights. And we’re not talking just about music downloads and pirated DVDs. These rules could help big pharmaceutical companies maintain or increase their monopoly profits on brand-name drugs.
 The secrecy of the T.P.P. negotiations makes them maddeningly opaque and hard to discuss. But we can get a pretty good idea of what’s happening, based on documents obtained by WikiLeaks from past meetings (they began in 2010), what we know of American influence in other trade agreements, and what others and myself have gleaned from talking to negotiators. Trade agreements are negotiated by the office of the United States Trade Representative, supposedly on behalf of the American people. Historically, though, the trade representative’s office has aligned itself with corporate interests. If big pharmaceutical companies hold sway — as the leaked documents indicate they do — the T.P.P. could block cheaper generic drugs from the market. Big Pharma’s profits would rise, at the expense of the health of patients and the budgets of consumers and governments.
There are two ways the office of the trade representative can use the T.P.P. to maintain or raise drug prices and profits. The first is to restrict competition from generics. It’s axiomatic that more competition means lower prices. When companies have to fight for customers, they end up cutting their prices. When a patent expires, any company can enter the market with a generic version of a drug. The differences in prices between brand-name and generic drugs are mind- and budget-blowing. Just the availability of generics drives prices down: In generics-friendly India, for example, Gilead Sciences, which makes an effective hepatitis-C drug, recently announced that it would sell the drug for a little more than 1 percent of the $84,000 it charges here.  Click here to read the complete article.
The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP)
- the dirtiest deal you have never heard of.
Between foreign corporations suing our governments over public health measures and environmental protection laws, higher pharmaceutical prices, and surveillance of Australians’ internet usage, there’s a lot for citizens to be concerned about.
January 26, 2015 – as further talks are about to begin, Australian activist group Get-Up launched this video.   Click to watch – it is worth watching.

Dec 10, 2014. TPP talks resumed this week, with negotiators meeting in Washington, but no major breakthroughs are expected given this weekend’s elections in Japan.
http://www.radionz.co.nz/news/top/261351/tpp-talks-resume-ahead-of-japan-election
Assessing the Impact of Alternative Patent Systems on the Cost of Health Care: The TPPA and HIV Treatment in Vietnam (November 2014)
Moir, H.V. J.,Tenni, B., Gleeson, D. and Lopert, R.,
(November 27, 2014). Asia-Pacific Innovation Conference, University of Technology Sydney, 27-29 November 2014.
http://ssrn.com/abstract=2536254
Abstract: In the Trans Pacific partnership Agreement (TPPA) negotiations, the United States has proposed expanded patent protections that will likely impact the affordability of medicines in TPPA partners. This includes antiretroviral (ARV) medicines used in the treatment of HIV and AIDS.
Vietnam has the lowest GDP per capita of the 12 countries participating in the TPPA negotiations. Using the current Vietnamese patent regime as our base case, we analyse the potential impact of alternative patent regimes on access to ARVs in Vietnam. The two other scenarios investigated are a patent regime making full use of TRIPS flexibilities, and a regime based on the US proposals in the 2014 leaked draft of the TPPA intellectual property chapter.
Using World Health Organization (WHO) treatment guidelines, we identified the most commonly used chemical entities and combinations used in the treatment of HIV. We examined patent data sets to discover patents that had been registered for these medicines and used information from examination of these patents to identify which might be granted under alternative patent regimes. We then drew on the empirical literature to estimate prices under the three patent scenarios.
The current ARV budget was used as a constraint, with the consequence that the results focus on the impact of alternative patent regimes on access to treatment.
Our results indicate 82% of the HIV population eligible for treatment would receive ARVs under a full TRIPS flexibility scenario, while only 30% of Vietnam’s eligible HIV patients would have access to ARVs under the US 2014 TPPA proposals – more than halving the proportion treated compared to the current 68% receiving treatment. Similar price impacts can be expected for other countries participating in the TPPA, though these are less economically vulnerable.
MSF responds to second Wikileaks release of Trans-Pacific Partnership text October 16, 2014

https://www.msfaccess.org/content/msf-responds-second-wikileaks-release-trans-pacific-partnership-text
Today [Oct16, 2014] Wikileaks published a revised copy of the intellectual property  chapter from the secret Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) negotiations:  https://wikileaks.org/tpp-ip2/
The leaked document — dated May 2014- also discloses countries’ current negotiating positions.  Wikileaks had released an earlier version of the IP chapter in November 2013.
A preliminary review of the text confirms MSF’s serious concerns about the  Agreement’s public health impact remain valid:  some of the most damaging  intellectual property provisions remain in the text.  Adopting the text in  its current form will negatively affect affordable access to medicines and  the health of millions of people across the Asia-Pacific region.
Statement by Judit Rius Sanjuan, U.S. Manager and Legal Policy Advisor,  MSF Access Campaign:’ ‘Although we’d much prefer if negotiating countries themselves abandoned  the extreme secrecy that has characterized these negotiations, MSF  welcomes the leak of the revised negotiating text as a means to facilitate  an open, transparent discussion about the health impacts of this agreement  on MSF medical operations and millions of patients in TPP countries and  beyond.
‘The leaked text reveals that most of the more problematic provisions are  being pushed by the United States and Japan, while still being opposed by  the majority of the rest of negotiating countries. While the Australian  government continues to oppose many of the most problematic provisions, we  are concerned about Australian support for the U.S. government’s push to  mandate rules that facilitate secondary and abusive patenting by  pharmaceutical companies, which blocks more affordable generic  competition. As countries prepare for TPP negotiations in Australia  starting October 19, we once again urge all countries to reject harmful  intellectual property provisions that will restrict access to medicines.’
Some of the most harmful provisions remaining in the text would:
– Limit countries’ ability to exercise rights confirmed in the 2001 Doha  Declaration, by restricting those rights to a specific list of diseases  and situations.
– Limit the capacity that countries have to restrict secondary patenting  and abusive patenting by requiring patents on ‘new uses or methods of  using a known product.’
– Restrict countries’ ability to include important public health flexibilities in their own national laws, for example India’s Section 3(d)  patent law which requires evidence of ‘enhanced efficacy’ before  additional patents can be granted on existing products.
– Restrict countries’ ability to use to the full the public health  flexibilities recognized in the TRIPS agreement, including compulsory  licenses and patent exceptions.
– Mandate that countries include TRIPS-plus measures in their national  laws, including patent linkage, patent term extensions and new monopolies  based on clinical data exclusivity, including for biological vaccines and  medicines, which have never before been included in a US-led trade  agreement.
More info: http://www.msfaccess.org/tpp/
Joanna Keenan Press Officer
Médecins Sans Frontières – Access Campaign
E: joanna.keenan[at]geneva.msf.org
UNITAID report: The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement: Implications for Access to Medicines and Public Health
In March 2014 UNITAID published a 120 page report called The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement: Implications for Access to Medicines and Public Health that was prepared by Kajal Bhardwaj and Cecilia Oh, with support from UNITAID. The authors state that responsibility for the interpretation and use of the material lies with the reader. UNITAID commissioned this report to identify proposed TPPA provisions that are likely to have implications for public health and access to pharmaceutical products. Find the full report here

Malaysia must not give in to the USA on the TPPA
CAP calls for Malaysia to withdraw from the TPPA:
As President Obama arrived in Malaysia, 26 April, the Consumers’ Association of Penang (CAP) reiterated their call on the Prime Minister not to make any concessions on the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA) being negotiated between Malaysia, the USA and 10 other countries. This is imperative. It could fundamentally impinge on the sovereign right of the country to make regulation and policy such as intellectual property, investor-state dispute settlement, government procurement, state-owned enterprises and the environment. Read more here
Malaysia: Anti-TPPA movement to come out with book on the controversial agreement entitled  “TPPA: Malaysia is not for sale”
Source: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/anti-tppa-movement-to-comeout-with-book-on-the-controversial-agreement#sthash.VdvccdgO.dpuf
10 July 2014
Malaysia’s anti-Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA) movement is putting out a book as part of its protest against the pact despite confirmation from Putrajaya that Malaysia would go ahead with the controversial Pacific Rim trade agreement.
“The government has said again that it is committed to the TPP agreement. According to their latest statement, Malaysia will see the trade deal through in our favour,” Nizam said in a statement today (July 10 2014).
“However, neither the government nor the Minister for International Trade and Industry (Miti) Datuk Seri Mustapa Mohamed have ever mentioned just what is being negotiated in detail.”  See the complete statement here
A Matter of Life and Death
By Martin Khor
http://www.ipsnews.net/2014/03/matter-life-death/
GENEVA, Mar 9 2014
Martin Khor, executive director of the South Centre, warns that negotiations on the Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement are a matter of life and death.
If you or some family members or friends suffer from cancer, hepatitis, AIDS, asthma or other serious ailments, it’s worth your while to follow the negotiations on the Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement and other similar bilateral trade agreements.
It’s really a matter of life and death. For the TPPA can cut off the potential supply of cheaper generic medicines that can save lives, especially when the original branded products are priced so sky-high that very few can afford them.
Multinational companies have strongly opposed compulsory licenses or the Indian-type laws that allow for patents only for genuine innovations.
This is where the TPPA comes in. Mainly at the insistence of the United States, countries are being asked to accept standards of intellectual property, that go beyond the rules of the WTO’s. Read more here
Protecting the Health of Australians in the Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement.  February 17, 2014
Dr Deborah Gleeson, one of the authors of the brief, added: “Some of the provisions proposed for the TPPA would increase the cost of the PBS for the government and taxpayers. These costs could be passed on to patients through higher costs for prescriptions. The brief shows how increased medicine costs can lead to adverse outcomes such as poor health outcomes, financial burdens and higher rates of hospitalisation. Disadvantaged population groups and people with chronic illnesses bear the brunt of these poor health outcomes.”
“Many provisions in the TPPA could also affect the ability of the Australian Government to effectively tackle the harm caused by tobacco and alcohol” said Dr Gleeson. “For example, the investor-state dispute settlement mechanism, which the Government has said it is prepared to negotiate for the TPPA, could result in more legal challenges like the case already brought by Philip Morris Asia against Australia’s tobacco plain packaging laws.”
“The Public Health Association of Australia, together with many other NGOs, urges the Government to ensure that no provisions are adopted in the TPPA that would negatively impact the health of Australians” said Mr Moore.  Read more
Australian Petition
May 19, 2014, the fight against the Trans Pacific-Partnership (TPP) went right to the doorstep of Australia’s democratic representatives in Canberra.   A petition with 1.8 million signatures from collaborating organisations accompanied an explanatory letter calling for the TPP to be made public. The signatories believe the need to open democracy has never been more urgent.
The letter highlighted the Public Health costs of the TPP:
– Proposals for extended patents on medicines would mean higher prices for new medicines for longer in Australia and would have even more severe impacts in developing countries.
– Other proposals in the agreement to limit the ability of governments to regulate medicine prices would undermine our Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS), increasing costs to government and leading to pressure for higher prices at the chemist.
– Proposals for restricting government regulation of food, alcohol and tobacco labelling could reduce the policy space to adopt effective public health policies in the future.
A recent Health Impact Study of the TPP conducted by health academics from seven
universities showed that these costs to public health could outweigh any economic benefits for Australia.
Read the whole letter and see the signatory organisations here

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Trading Away Health: The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP)

Trading Away Health: The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP)

March 03, 2013
Unless damaging provisions are removed before negotiations are finalized, the TPP agreement is on track to become the most harmful trade pact ever for access to medicines in developing countries.
The TPP trade deal is currently being negotiated between the U.S. and ten other Pacific Rim nations. The negotiations are being conducted in secret, but leaked drafts of the agreement include aggressive intellectual property (IP) rules that would restrict access to affordable, lifesaving medicines for millions of people.
Proposed by U.S. negotiators, the IP rules enhance patent and data protections for pharmaceutical companies, dismantle public health safeguards enshrined in international law, and obstruct price-lowering generic competition for medicines.
As a medical humanitarian organization working in nearly 70 countries, Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) is concerned about the impact these provisions will have on public health in developing countries where MSF works and beyond.
Governments have a responsibility to ensure that public health interests are not trampled by commercial interests, and must resist pressures to erode hard-fought legal safeguards for public health that represent a lifeline for people in developing countries. MSF urges the U.S. government to withdraw—and all other TPP negotiating governments to reject—provisions that will harm access to medicines.

The TPP Trade Agreement, Sovereignty, and Secrecy. Economic Dislocation, Environmental Degradation

The TPP Trade Agreement, Sovereignty, and Secrecy. Economic Dislocation, Environmental Degradation

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“National security secrecy may be appropriate to protect us from our enemies; it should not be used to protect our politicians from us.” Margot E. Kaminski, NYT, April 14, 2015.
It’s coming to you, roughly packaged, crudely thought out, and, we hope, incompetently executed. The Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement is just about done and dusted, so claim those who have found it appropriate to keep this most “secret” of treaties under wraps. The Hawaii round of negotiations, taking place at the Westin Resort and Spa in Maui, will provide the final touches, though the delegates may be overly optimistic in assuming that their local parliaments will quite accept matters without a fight. If parliamentary sovereignty counts for anything, this will be it.
US negotiators were always in the main lane, suggesting that they would get what they wanted, breezing through the 21st century with Washington’s vision like modern buccaneers. Much of this is based on the illusory idea the future is calculable, that economic modelling becomes truth. Sign on the dotted line, and the Mammon shall be yours.
The US Treasury Department has come up with an astrological figure of increases in American exports to Asia by $123 billion. Other figures have been drawn out of hats, most of which will hardly cut muster when the deal is actually in place. Such deals have a habit of enriching unevenly, leaving a good deal of economic, and social pillage in their wake.
Hurdles to the arrangement include sugar, milk and drugs. Canada refuses to accept more dairy imports, which has put off the delegates of the US and New Zealand. Mexico continues to stall on the issue of opening its market to exports from Asia.[1]
But the quibbling, and to-and-fro nature of such talks belies something more important. The first is the technocratic presumption that what is being negotiated is going to be beneficial for the uninvolved and effectively disenfranchised subject. Naturally, a corporate “person”, and yes, the glories of Anglo-American law were good enough to give corporations personalities, will have the sun shining upon them. (The degree this sun was anticipated can be gauged by the amount of corporate money expended in influencing the trade delegations.[2]) But the TPP, in its entire negotiating process, has become a genuine punch to citizen sovereignty, a trickle-down bonanza of delusionary advances.
There have been voices in the political spectrum lamenting the pathological secrecy behind the entire process. Such behaviour goes beyond the realms of simple diplomatic protocol, the closed-doors approach which sees the shuffling of papers and provisions beyond press scrutiny. The TPP, one part of a US-led reorientation of markets and strategies, affects citizens who have no voice, or shape, in discussions.
The colourful Rep. Tulsi Gabbard of Hawaii’s 2nd district, not essentially the picture of congressional participation, took to the floor to express her frustration at the lack of transparency in the entire process.[3] Even the locals were being left out in the cold by the business clerks. As legal scholar Margot E. Kaminski would explain in April, “Even if current negotiations over the trade agreement end with no deal, the draft chapter will remain classified for four years as national security information.”[4]
Such is the situation that even former trade officials are wondering why the process is being kept out of the critical eye of public discussion. Australia’s former Industries commission chief, Bill Carmichael, sees no problem adopting a more open approach to negotiations on such instruments. These are the industry and financial wonks who do believe that the link between parliament and the voter still prevails. Let the discussions rage.
Instead of taking the peripatetic walk of conversation in the name of national interest, the parties to the negotiations have muzzled their political representatives. Former Maryland governor Martin O’Malley explained in April that the public would not be able to peruse the document till the horse had bolted. “What’s wrong with it first and foremost that we’re not allowed to read it before the representatives vote on it.”[5]
O’Malley’s feeling here is that the El Dorado being sought is the lower wage bracket, obtained an exploited overseas market. Free trade is not so much a case of improving living standards as attempting to buffer the status quo with low grade incentives.
The same goes for other states involved in the negotiations. Members of parliament in Australia, for example, may see the document with their uncomprehending eyes, but must sign a four-year confidentiality provision. One of the requirements counters, if not repudiates the parliamentary spirit altogether: “I will not divulge any of the text or information obtained in the briefing to any party, I will not copy, transcribe or remove the negotiating text”.[6] This absurd state of affairs can only trigger suspicion.
Then come the dangers, in terms of use and price, to medicine and copyright. Weasel words are circulated – “digital governance” is a hot one, code for control, restriction and regulation. Embedded in the agreement is a form of copyright policing that seems both draconian and unrealistic. The US delegation still insists on copyright terms of 70 or more years with the necessary compensation for infringements.
Few on the medical side of things are convinced by this. Doctors without Borders has insisted that the TPP brings the kibosh to bear on cheaper pharmaceuticals, proving it to be “a bad deal for medicine.”[7] This is less a case of bring on the medicine than bringing on the money. “Unless damaging provisions are removed before negotiations are finalised, the TPP agreement is on track to become the most harmful trade pact ever for access to medicines in developing countries.”[8]
The horse trading has also reached degrees of cynicism that would make any Machiavellian hack proud. Deals have been done to paper over wretched human rights records – take the case of Malaysia, which was upgraded by the US State Department in the human trafficking stakes ahead of fresh talks in Hawaii. It had previously received the worst rating in terms of trafficking, something which bars the US from making trade deals.
Under Secretary of State Sarah Sewall would unconvincingly parry suggestions that the TPP had shadowed the moves. “No, no. no. The annual TIP Report reflects the State Department’s assessment of foreign government efforts during the reporting period to comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking persons, established under US law, under the TVPA.”[9]
Sheer coincidence, of course. Until you realise that these alignments tend to mount. The leaked environment chapter of the TPP shows how environmental degradation will be tolerated in favour of the profit principle. And if there is one thing that this agreement will enshrine, is the profit principle over that of representative democracy.
Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email:bkampmark@gmail.com
Notes